The current humanitarian crisis in Yemen has been precipitated by almost three years of civil war and regional military intervention, with the United Nations declaring the country the world’s largest humanitarian emergency in January 2017. At the end of last year the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) released its 2018 Humanitarian Needs Overview (HNO) in which it reported that roughly 22.2 million Yemenis were in need of some kind of humanitarian protection or assistance, of which 11.3 million were in acute need. This included 17.8 million Yemenis who were food insecure, of which 8.4 million were severely food insecure and at risk of starvation. Some 16 million people were without access to safe water and sanitation; 16.4 million had limited or no access to healthcare, with almost half of the country’s hospitals and clinics essentially out of operation. Both the lack of clean water and limited health care have in turn helped catapult the number of suspected cholera cases in Yemen to more than 1 million. As of December 2017, more than 1,800 schools were damaged or destroyed, which, compounded by three quarters of public school teachers going unpaid for more than a year, had left roughly 2 million children out of school.
The humanitarian crisis in Yemen is immense and complex, involving a vast array of interrelated and overlapping factors. What is clear, however, is that while international humanitarian actors have been dramatically scaling up operations to address this crisis since 2015, it is overwhelmingly the Yemeni private sector that has stopped the dire situation from being unfathomably worse. Yemeni business owners – in facilitating everything from imports, to transportation logistics and cash aid distributions – have prevented the country from sliding into mass famine. Private sector businesses have similarly offered a measure of relief from state collapse, which has been precipitated by the evaporation of government revenues and suspension of most public sector operating expenditures, such as salaries for most of Yemen’s 1.2 million civil servants.
Private Sector Role in Mitigating the Humanitarian Crisis
Yemen has historically depended on imports to meet as much as 90 percent of the population’s food needs. According to the UN’s Logistics Cluster, between January and March 2017 commercial importers accounted for 96.5 percent of the more than 1.3 million metric tons (mt) of food entering the country; humanitarian actors accounted for the remaining 3.5 percent. With regard to fuel over the same period, commercial importers accounted for almost all of the 526,000 mt arriving to Yemen. As OCHA states in the 2018 HNO: “Just as humanitarian assistance cannot compensate for public institutions, it also cannot replace commercial imports and functioning local markets to meet the vast majority of Yemenis’ survival needs.”
The erosion of government services has seen, among other things, public sector electricity production essentially fall to zero across most of the country. In response, commercial businesses have facilitated the rapid widespread adoption of solar power for households in many areas, while also providing access to industrial generators, equipment, parts and expertise to maintain the functionality of various water systems and health care facilities in major Yemeni cities, notably Sana’a, Hudaydah and Taiz. Many private medical facilities have also remained open — often offering free services to those unable to pay — in areas where public clinics have closed, while Yemeni businesses have also facilitated the flow of medical supplies to pharmacies and public, private and humanitarian facilities around the country.
An August 2017 United Nations Development Program survey of 53 small, medium and large private sector organizations in Yemen, across all industrial sectors, found that four out of five were assisting conflict-affected persons in the country. These organizations reported that the largest forms of assistance they provided were financial, food and health services.
This author’s own survey of Yemeni business owners in November 2017 found that all respondents saw themselves as engaged in trying to mitigate the humanitarian crisis.[1] These actions ranged from cash distributions, to food basket preparation and distribution, to supplying medical equipment for the cholera campaign. Despite the limited market demand for their commodities, all business owners interviewed said that they had kept the majority of their workforce – though through negative coping strategies, such as decreasing salaries and benefits, as well as reducing working hours – and that they considered sustaining these workers as part of their overall efforts toward mitigating the crisis.
The majority of the business owners believed and were involved in corporate social responsibility (CSR) activities as part of their contribution to humanitarian action; one reported having a charitable foundation, while the rest distributed support through their companies. Regarding the latter, for aid distribution purposes the companies had developed and maintained databases of beneficiaries using informal networks of families, friends and neighborhood connections. Typically, company staff with experience in humanitarian relief delivered the support. The business owners said these CSR activities predated the current conflict, though, since the current conflict began, the level of CSR activities they engage in has fallen somewhat.
Relations with International Humanitarian Actors
Private businesses have also played an essential role in the distribution of international humanitarian aid in Yemen, including both cash transfers and physical goods. For instance, through 2017 one Yemeni microfinance bank recorded some 1.5 million cash transfers worth approximately 29.5 billion Yemeni rials to humanitarian aid recipients across Yemen.[2] In another example, in 2015 humanitarian agencies had 63 trucks carrying relief supplies, including food baskets and medicine, stranded in Sana’a due to the fighting. Private sector business networks intervened, facilitating negotiations between belligerent parties on the ground, resulting in the trucks being released and the aid reaching four besieged districts in Taiz and another four in Aden.[3]
Author interviews with Yemeni business owners and a number of international humanitarian agencies’ staff indicated that humanitarian actors rely on the private sector to provide supply chain services such as transportations, warehousing, and clearing and forwarding services.[4] April through September 2017, most humanitarian actors active in the cholera response effort also relied on Yemeni businesses to source needed medical supplies.[5] This was due to the urgency of the crisis and international humanitarian actors’ inability to quickly procure the needed supplies from outside Yemen.
Business owners surveyed for this paper said that they are providing UN agencies, international and local nongovernment organizations with various goods and services, such as vehicles, generators, spare parts and maintenance, food baskets and blankets, and distribution services. In one instance, a business owner described how he had helped establish and was continuing to coordinate a working relationship between an INGO and a local NGO. A further example is that of another business owner, who operates a medical insurance company and who used his in-country networks to help Marie Stopes International be able to support 1,000 medical patients in Sana’a, suffering from ailments such as diabetes, high blood pressure and chronic kidney problems, through the local NGO Hamunat al-Yemen. Through the system they developed, Hamunat al-Yemen would identify beneficiaries amongst disadvantaged populations and, based on the medical insurance company’s advise, direct them to pharmacies to receive medicine paid for by Marie Stopes International. As of this writing, the three parties were planning to launch a new phase of the project to target more poor patients.
In regards to the procurement process, surveyed business owners generally stated that they won their contracts with international humanitarian actors through a tendering processes; one stated, however, that he provided commodities for INGOs through his “personal network.”
The Need for Better Coordination
Surveyed business owners identified several difficulties in dealing with international humanitarian actors, notably in regard to communication with UN agencies and INGOs. These difficulties primarily concerned the tendering process and follow-through; common complaints were that points of contact with INGOs were often unclear, as were INGO standards and requirements. Consultation with the private sector regarding the targeted communities was also often lacking, meaning much of the value-added expertise and capacities of the private sector were going underutilized.
Business owners also described a process in which some INGOs limited their outreach to pre-selected suppliers and rarely offered new businesses the opportunity to bid on tenders. Transparency in the INGO process of vendor selection was thus identified as an area requiring improvement to ensure strong trust and better coordination between INGOs and the private sector. The business owners also noted that the procurement policies of UN agencies and INGOs at times oblige or encourage direct procurement from outside Yemen.
The business owners generally agreed that there needed to be a coordination mechanism established between the private sector and humanitarian actors that would help encourage local procurement and harness the opportunities for a mutually beneficial relationship. The UNDP survey from August 2017 indicated that there was some confusion regarding whether such a coordination mechanism exists: 57 percent of business owners answered “no” to the question: “Is there a coordination platform dedicated to private sector’s humanitarian assistance and recovery efforts in Yemen?” However, all respondents of the UNDP survey said they believed that such a coordination mechanism was necessary, with almost all saying they would participate in the platform if it did exist.
Operating in a Devastated Economy
Even before the current conflict erupted, Yemen was among the poorest and least developed countries in the Middle East and North Africa; since the conflict began the situation has deteriorated substantially. Yemen’s Ministry of Planning and International Cooperation reported that Yemen’s gross domestic product declined 14.4 percent in 2017 which, following contractions of 15.3 percent in 2016 and 17.6 percent in 2015, equals a cumulative economic contraction of 40.5 percent since the beginning of 2015. As a result of this economic collapse private sector operations have sustained significant losses. Commercial businesses have on average cut operating hours by half, with layoffs estimated at 55 percent of the workforce. This shift has been spurred by surging costs, due to insecurity and shortages of inputs, and falling demand for goods and services, with public purchasing power tumbling on the back of widespread livelihood loss and domestic currency depreciation.[6] A general shortage of foreign currency in Yemen and liquidity challenges related to the domestic currency have also presented importers with increased challenges and costs.[7]
Since the Saudi-led military coalition began to intervene in the Yemen conflict in March 2015, it has imposed severe restrictions on imports entering Yemen. Business owners surveyed by this author said these restrictions have had a crippling impact, leading to a significant increase in shipping and insurance costs for imports. Among other significant challenges they noted were: increased customs tariffs after goods are offloaded, the long procedures for releasing shipments, the unsafe road transportation networks in Yemen, and the difficulty in making money transfers with foreign business partners.
On November 6, 2017, the Saudi-led coalition escalated the import restrictions to a complete closure of all ports, with the immediate impact in Yemen being huge price surges for almost all basic commodities and shortages of many, particularly fuel. Over the subsequent month, the coalition eased restrictions somewhat, allowing imports to resume normally in areas of Yemen’s south held by forces affiliated with the internationally recognized Yemeni government, and later allowing limited UN deliveries to Hudaydah seaport and Sana’a airport, both in Yemen’s north and held by Houthi forces. The Saudi-led coalition announced on December 20 that it was allowing Hudaydah port to reopen to commercia.
Looking Ahead
The number of private Yemeni enterprises engaged in business relations with international humanitarian actors has increased over time, with the scaled up aid efforts becoming new business opportunities in the country and creating a competitive market.[8] There is, however, vast untapped opportunities for both parties in creating better cooperation and coordination mechanisms.
The private sector actors – especially businesses involved in importation, distribution, retail and transportation, in addition to the business conglomerates – have a great deal of potential value-added to offer international humanitarian actors in informing the design and implementation of humanitarian support, which would significantly boost the impact of the humanitarian crisis response in Yemen. Yemeni businesses could increase the efficiency and reach of foreign aid funds by allowing humanitarian actors to capitalize on the private sector’s business networks across the country, their ability to adapt to changing dynamics within local communities, and their ability to navigate between the belligerent parties.
Additionally, the business humanitarian actors are currently bringing the Yemeni private sector is helping many companies stay operational, maintain current employees, and at times create new employment opportunities. Humanitarian actors channeling more of their business through the Yemeni private sector and pursuing local procurement would further help local companies maintain current employees and create new jobs, thereby boosting local employment, local purchasing power and stimulating a positive cycle of market demand. More foreign aid funds spent in Yemen would also provide much-needed foreign currency to the local market, which in turn would help stabilize the domestic currency.
A leading UN agency in Yemen supported such increased cooperation and coordination between international humanitarian actors and the Yemeni private sector. In response to this author’s queries, a World Food Program logistics official stated that:
Considering the vital role that private businesses play in the country and their resilience, humanitarian actors can help to facilitate the private sector importation of commodities and supplies by considering them in the humanitarian procurement process from outside the country. A private sector lead will support the effort to avoid local economy collapse and the further deterioration of the humanitarian situation in the country.
Recommendations
Notes:
[1] This author distributed a qualitative survey and received responses between November 22-29, 2017, while also conducting several in-person follow-up interviews between January 1-4, 2017. Five of the seven respondents owned networks of large companies – defined as having more than 50 employees and overseas branches – involved in various economic sectors including financial services, manufacturing, fast-moving consumer goods, transportation logistics, and education. One survey respondent owned a medium-sized company – defined as having between 10 and 50 employees with branches across the country – operating in the area of ‘power solutions,’ selling and servicing generators and renewable energy equipment. The last of the six survey respondents owned a small company, with between four and nine employees, based in Sana’a and with distribution channels in other Yemeni cities, operating in the field of healthcare and pharmaceutical products. In general the business owners were asked about their understanding of the current humanitarian crisis, their role during the crisis, their relationship with humanitarian actors and their suggestions regarding that relationship.
[2] Author interview with al-Amal Bank Operations Manager, January 4, 2018. Importantly, microfinance industry proponents in Yemen say that humanitarian actors’ engagement of microfinance institutions in the aid response — while crucial to address the immediate survival needs of the population — also poses an unintended challenge to the industry’s future survival. While the majority of microfinance clients — micro-entrepreneurs — and their surrounding communities are in need of the support humanitarian aid programs are channeling through the microfinance banks, industry members say this ‘free money’ is transforming the role these institutions play and the necessary culture they have built in the industry over several decades. The industry players have essentially left their core business model of providing microfinance products — for which customer repayment is required — to being agents of social cash transfer services, without there being a clear differentiation between the two for clients. Microfinanciers say this will impact the recovery of microfinance industry in the long run, particularly when humanitarian actors cease making transfers through microfinance institutions.
[3] Author interview with World Food Program Logistics Officer, December 31, 2017.
[4] Author interview with World Food Program Logistics Officer, December 31, 2017.
[5] Author interview with Dr. Adel Al-Emad, Chairman of Medical Insurance Specialist Company and Mr. Ali Jubari, Advisor to the Federation of Chambers of Commerce, December 2017.
[6] For details, please see: Ala Qasem and Brett Scott, Navigating Yemen’s Wartime Food Pipeline, Deeproot Consulting, November 29, 2017, http://www.deeproot.consulting/single-post/2017/11/29/Navigating-Yemen%E2%80%99s-Wartime-Food-Pipeline; Amal Nasser and Alex J. Harper, Rapid currency depreciation and the decimation of Yemeni purchasing power, Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies, March 31, 2017, http://sanaacenter.org/publications/analysis/89
[7] For details, please see: Mansour Rageh, Amal Nasser and Farea Al-Muslimi, Yemen Without a Functioning Central Bank: The Loss of Basic Economic Stabilization and Accelerating Famine, Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies, November 2, 2016, http://sanaacenter.org/publications/main-publications/55
[8] Author interview with World Food Program logistics official, December 31, 2017.
* This policy brief was prepared by the Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies, in coordination with the project partners DeepRoot Consulting and CARPO – Center for Applied Research in Partnership with the Orient.
* Note: This document has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Union and the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to Yemen. The recommendations expressed within this document are the personal opinions of the Development Champions Forum participants only, and do not represent the views of the Sanaa Center for Strategic Studies, DeepRoot Consulting, CARPO, or any other persons or organizations with whom the participants may be otherwise affiliated. The contents of this document can under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the European Union or the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to Yemen.
Executive Summary
This paper examines governance as the decisive factor shaping the success or failure of government reforms and current government plans in Yemen. It starts from a central premise: Yemen’s reform crisis is not primarily a crisis of planning or vision, but a crisis of structural weakness in the governance system that should regulate policy design, implementation, monitoring, and accountability. Yemeni experience, before and during the war, shows that reforms without a clear governance framework become formal decisions that are selectively implemented, stripped of substance, or unable to deliver sustainable impact.
The paper demonstrates that the implementation gap represents the central challenge facing government reforms—a gap resulting from overlapping mandates, multiple decision-making centers, weak institutional coordination, absence of effective accountability, lack of transparency and data, as well as the chronic disconnect between financial and institutional reforms. It also shows that corruption in the Yemeni context is no longer an isolated administrative phenomenon but has become part of deeper dysfunctions in the state’s political economy, making its treatment possible only through comprehensive governance reforms, not through discrete oversight tools.
Through analysis of a case study involving clearly formulated reforms that later stalled in implementation, the paper concludes that political decisions alone are not enough to ensure execution in the absence of an integrated governance system. Weak effective executive authority, the absence of a clear accountability chain, undeclared institutional resistance, and poor alignment between reforms and institutional capacities all contribute to disruption and operational paralysis.
Based on this diagnosis, the paper proposes a practical governance framework for reforms in Yemen. The framework treats reform as a continuous political-institutional process rather than an isolated technical or financial intervention. It is built on the need for a unified national reference for reform governance, clear mechanisms for assigning roles across institutions, a workable balance between centralization and local governance, and the integration of transparency and information systems at the core of the reform cycle. It also adopts a gradual approach that builds trust and reduces implementation resistance.
In light of this framework, the paper presents a package of practical recommendations to strengthen the governance of government reforms. These include adopting a unified national framework for institutional performance governance, strengthening financial governance through budget discipline and expenditure control, establishing a unified digital data system, and activating central and local accountability mechanisms based on clear performance standards, while also allowing regulated exceptional tools for economic crisis management. The paper emphasizes that these recommendations can succeed only through clear role distribution among the central government, local authorities, the private sector, civil society, and international partners, within a single national framework that leads the reform process without replacing state institutions.
The paper concludes that governance is not a procedural issue or an external condition, but rather the most realistic entry point for reconsidering government plans and transforming them into effective tools for economic recovery and institutional stability. Without systematically addressing governance gaps, government reforms will remain vulnerable to stumbling regardless of their technical quality or the support allocated to them. Building a clear and implementable governance system represents a genuine opportunity to rebuild trust between the state and society, improve resource utilization efficiency, and put Yemen on a more sustainable reform path.
Why this paper now?
The Yemeni government today does not primarily suffer from a lack of plans or weak vision; it suffers from a chronic inability to convert approved decisions and plans into tangible results. Experience shows that this pattern undermines the credibility of political decision-making and reduces reforms to low-cost rhetorical commitments for actors who do not intend to comply.
What does this paper show?
This paper proceeds from a clear premise: the reform crisis in Yemen is a governance implementation crisis, not a policy crisis. Government reforms, regardless of their technical quality or political level, will not be automatically implemented in the absence of a governance framework linking decision, implementing entity, resources, follow-up, and accountability.
What does political decision-making require now?
Addressing this gap does not require launching new plans. It requires specific decisions that reorganize how reforms themselves are managed, strengthen the implementation and accountability chain, and protect political decisions from undeclared institutional disruption.
Risks of inaction
Continuing the current situation means the persistence of implementation gaps, erosion of domestic and international confidence, and transformation of reforms into accumulated political and administrative burdens. This paper presents a practical framework for reform governance without creating parallel structures or suspending accountability rules, preserving the role of state institutions and enhancing their implementation capacity.
Executive Summary
The Republic of Yemen today faces one of the most complex investment environments in the region. This reality is the result of structural weaknesses that predated the war and were then intensified by political and institutional fragmentation, security deterioration, and economic collapse. Even so, international experience in fragile and conflict-affected states suggests that Yemen can combine high levels of risk with promising investment opportunities in sectors that can operate before full peace is achieved – provided that reforms are clear, political will exists domestically, and regional support is active.
Over the past decade, the war has produced financial and monetary fragmentation, multiple decisionmaking centers, and divergent laws and procedures. This has created two distinct economic environments: one in government-controlled (liberated) areas and another in Houthi-controlled areas. The result has been a sharp decline in confidence, weaker institutions, severe deterioration in purchasing power, and a continuing fall in the Riyal’s value, alongside rising operating, transport, and insurance costs. At the same time, many of these constraints predate the war: even before the conflict, Yemen was a difficult investment environment due to corruption, complex procedures, a weak judiciary, widespread illegal levies, and capture of state resources by influential power centers.
Despite this bleak picture, the regional and international context offers encouraging indicators that investment space can still be created, especially in government-controlled (liberated) governorates. Compared with Houthi-controlled areas, these governorates offer internationally recognized legal authority, open ports, limited but workable banking channels through official institutions, and stronger prospects for investor protection through international arbitration.
International experience in Iraq, Lebanon, Rwanda, and other conflict-affected countries shows that investment can begin gradually in sectors least affected by war, and that success in fragile environments depends on four pillars: understanding risks while limiting exposure, strong risk management, clear government reforms, and organized regional and international support. With current Gulf investment shifts toward Iraq, Lebanon, and Syria, Yemen – given its geostrategic location along major trade routes, its young population, and its strategic relevance to Gulf security – is a logical candidate to attract part of these investment flows.
There are also conflict-compatible sectors that can be entered today, such as:
These sectors operate by their nature in unstable environments and do not require comprehensive national stability, and can be a starting point.
The paper emphasizes that investment in Yemen, at this stage, cannot be treated as an unrestricted open
field. It must be governed by clear requirements, including a government commitment to supporting
investment, legislative reform, procedure digitization, elimination of illegal levies, access to international
arbitration, specialized government units for investor services, and the launch of a unified investment
window in Aden. It also requires regional guarantees and practical enablers through direct partnerships
with Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and other Gulf countries.
Foreign investment also requires active participation by the Yemeni private sector through alliances,
stronger governance standards, audited financial statements, and partnerships with Gulf investors through joint ventures (JVs) rather than stand-alone efforts. It also calls for a new donor role that goes beyond relief to support joint investment, improve the business environment, and provide financing guarantees and blended-finance tools.
Geographically, while the analysis covers Yemen as a whole, the practical application of opportunities
focuses on government-controlled (liberated) governorates. This reflects the current impracticality of
operating in the Houthi-controlled environment, which is marked by sanctions, extortion, capital flight,
institutional destruction, tight control over companies, and the absence of minimum legal and institutional guarantees for local and foreign investors.
The paper concludes that Yemen, despite its fragility, possesses rare strength elements in the region,
including:
The paper presents practical recommendations for the Yemeni government, the Yemeni and Gulf private
sectors, and donors aimed at transforming Yemen’s investment environment from a deterrent environment into an enabling one through short- and medium-term reforms, strategic partnerships, and a limited number of high-impact model projects that can build confidence and unlock larger investment flows later.
Based on this analysis, foreign investment in Yemen is difficult but not impossible. In the right regional
context and with clear government reforms, it can become a major driver of economic stability, a lever for reconstruction, and a tool for integrating Yemen into the Gulf and wider regional economy. The most logical starting point is in government-controlled (liberated) governorates and in sectors compatible with the current conflict context, before moving to larger projects in a later political settlement phase.
The war has fundamentally altered Yemen’s trade finance system, transforming it from a reliable, unified, bank-led mechanism into several divergent, conflicting structures that have made import financing cumbersome, costly, and unstable. The conflict has led to the suspension of oil and gas exports — the country’s primary source of revenue and foreign currency — and resulted in the division of key economic institutions across regional zones of control. Specifically, the fragmentation of the Central Bank of Yemen (CBY) into rival branches (Sana’a and Aden) and the subsequent prevalence of dual currency and monetary systems has created a complex trade financing landscape. The two branches have engaged in a power struggle, issuing conflicting monetary and financial policies that weaponize all aspects of import regulation and financing.
The collapse of the formal banking system, combined with liquidity shortages, has eroded confidence in banks’ financial services and entrenched the rise of less-regulated financial transfer networks, which dominate the monetary cycle and trade facilitation. The fragmented regulatory environment has heightened the country’s vulnerability to global de-risking measures and exposed it to severe risks related to Anti-Money Laundering/Countering the Financing of Terrorism (AML/CFT) requirements. Yemeni banks have struggled to access foreign correspondent banks, which has inflated import costs and exacerbated food insecurity in a country that imports up to 90 percent of its basic staples from abroad.
The US designation of the Houthis as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) and subsequent sanctions catalyzed a significant shift away from Yemen’s historically centralized financial system. The sanctions forced banks to relocate to government-controlled areas, eliminating the Houthis’ dominance over their primary operations. Today, these relocated banks are facing operational challenges due to the historic centrality of the financial system, the commercial market, and customer base in Houthi-controlled areas.
After the failure of several import financing mechanisms, the internationally recognized government, along with the Central Bank of Yemen in Aden (CBY-Aden), has recently begun implementing much-anticipated economic reforms that have stabilized the Yemeni rial. These reforms helped institutionalize a new mechanism for trade finance, culminating in the establishment of the National Committee for Regulating and Financing Imports.
To effectively operate on the ground, the Import Committee and CBY-Aden need to be fully empowered to curb currency destabilization and secure hard currency inflows, and to use those funds to finance basic commodity imports. The government should create a conducive business environment for banks to provide financial services and facilitate trade nationwide. Additionally, it should shift from short-term collective measures to long-term economic reforms. These should include working to access sustainable sources of hard currency to finance trade. Sustained financial support from Saudi Arabia and other donors is critical to replenishing the CBY-Aden’s foreign reserves and preserving the value of the rial.
Close coordination with international financial institutions and US decisionmaking bodies (such as the Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control) is essential to enhance Yemeni banks’ capacity to comply with AML/CFT standards. Houthi authorities must suspend punitive measures against banks and traders and refrain from any future actions that could further deepen the monetary division and complicate trade financing.
In parallel, the UN and broader international community should exert immediate pressure on the warring parties to halt their weaponization of trade financing and respect the neutrality of the banking sector. They should help establish sanctions safeguards to protect humanitarian and remittance flows. As circumstances improve, the international community should support the creation of a nationwide trade financing scheme that is technically effective and insulated from political conflict.
Yemen’s e-commerce sector holds significant potential to drive economic growth and financial inclusion, particularly for women and rural communities, but faces major challenges, including poor internet connectivity, limited digital payment systems, and the absence of legal and regulatory frameworks. The country remains heavily cash-based, with minimal access to formal banking and fragmented oversight, exposing consumers and providers to fraud and limiting sector development. Internet infrastructure is among the worst globally, with only 17.7 percent of the population online in 2024, though the recent introduction of Starlink offers hope for improved connectivity. Conflict-related damage to transportation networks further hinders delivery services. Despite these obstacles, some businesses have found success, especially in urban areas, by adapting to logistical constraints. Yemen’s youthful, increasingly smartphone-connected population, along with emerging technologies and business models, offers promising opportunities for inclusive e-commerce growth—provided that policymakers invest in digital infrastructure, enact protective regulations, and create a supportive environment for online enterprise.
Historically, Yemen’s industrial sector has been characterized by small-scale, private initiatives, with 78% of establishments employing fewer than four workers and dominated by food, metal, and textile industries. Yemeni industry’s reliance on imported inputs and weak infrastructure left it vulnerable even before the 2015 escalation of war. Post-conflict damage has been extensive, with losses exceeding $35 billion, industrial output collapsing, and over half the workforce displaced. Legal frameworks exist but lack consistent enforcement. Gender disparities remain stark, with women accounting for just 1–6% of industrial employment. Environmental degradation further complicates recovery, driven by outdated laws and limited compliance capacity.
Despite this, some local industries have demonstrated resilience, particularly in informal light manufacturing. Drawing from regional and international models of industrialization, this RYE Policy Brief identifies viable paths for industrial renewal anchored in local resources, community participation, and adaptive governance.
Develop a national industrial strategy in partnership with the private sector, including identification of key sectors, support measures, and coordination mechanisms.
Simplify business registration, update laws, and establish industrial arbitration councils.
Expand training, develop women-friendly zones, and launch targeted financing for female entrepreneurs.
Fund industrial research labs and foster private-sector innovation partnerships.
Rehabilitate industrial zones with solar energy, logistics hubs, and streamlined port access.
Create an Industrial Finance Fund and expand concessional credit for SMEs.
Enforce pollution controls, incentivize clean tech adoption, and integrate safeguards into industrial planning.
Yemen is vulnerable to climate change and affected by ongoing conflict, facing worsening environmental crises such as water scarcity, degradation of arable land, and an increasing frequency of extreme weather events. The country’s capacity to address the impact of climate change is severely hampered by limited access to international climate finance. Obstacles include the absence of clear criteria for fund distribution, bureaucratic complexities that exceed local institutional capacity, an emphasis on mitigation over adaptation measures, and a preference for providing loans over grants. Fragmented governance and a decade-long climate data gap further undermine the country’s eligibility for funding. Yemen lacks accredited national institutions capable of directly accessing climate funds, which forces it to rely on international non-governmental organizations (INGOs). This reliance introduces additional layers of bureaucracy and high transaction costs.
This policy brief, based on a desk review and a two-day workshop held in Amman, Jordan, in November 2024, examines Yemen’s climate finance barriers and explores opportunities for improving its access to climate finance. The paper highlights funding allocation disparities, in which climate-vulnerable and fragile states receive disproportionately low shares of climate finance. For instance, Yemen received a mere US$0.60 per capita in adaptation finance between 2015 and 2021, compared to over US$100 per capita in stable countries during the same period.
The paper draws lessons from other countries, including Rwanda, Somalia, and Bangladesh, which improved access by utilizing national climate funds, engaging in diplomatic advocacy, and implementing community-based data initiatives. Recommendations emphasize urgent actions for Yemen’s government, including establishing a multi-stakeholder climate task force and climate fund, finalizing Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), and enhancing regional cooperation. For international actors, reforms such as simplifying accreditation processes, prioritizing grants, and supporting climate diplomacy are critical.