The telecommunications and information technology sector in Yemen is a vital component of the country’s infrastructure and plays a critical role in economic growth. It is the second largest source of public revenue after the petroleum sector, and contributes important work opportunities, whether directly or indirectly, through its connections to other sectors of the national economy.
From 2015 to 2019, the sector’s performance has varied due to the extraordinary circumstances Yemen has been going through. It is estimated that the conflict has caused about $4.1 billion in direct financial losses for the telecommunications sector due to electricity outages (at times caused by a lack of fuel), institutional fragmentation, and competing policies and financial demands by the authorities in Sana’a and Aden, as well as confiscation of assets and extortion. The sector has also lost a number of opportunities that may have otherwise been available if it were not for the outbreak of the conflict, like the development of licensing agreements and the progression to 4G technology. Investors in the telecommunications sector have been deterred from the Yemeni market despite its large size and the fact that many services are not currently being provided by the companies operating in the sector.
The sector faces a large number of challenges, the most serious of which are: the unsuitability of the legal and institutional regulatory environments; fragmentation of public entities in the sector; unproductive accusations made by the parties to the conflict; the lack of separation between political, regulatory and operational roles within the sector; and the reliance on a weak and fragile infrastructure to provide these services. Other challenges include the restrictions imposed on importing equipment, difficulty accessing a number of districts and entire governorates to carry out necessary repairs, declining revenues for the companies, and the increase of fees being levied by both the authorities in Sana’a and in Aden, compounded by the population’s general impoverishment and limited purchasing power.
To strengthen the role of Yemen’s telecommunications, there must be efforts in the short term to depoliticize the sector during the conflict, repair operator networks, introduce new services (such as video conferencing and digital financial services), and work to lower internet tariffs—this paper does not provide an analysis of how to achieve a viable mix of upgraded services and affordable prices while still maintaining the feasibility of new investments. In the medium and long term, efforts to draft new telecommunications laws must continue, in addition to separating regulatory and operational roles, developing the regulatory and institutional environment, encouraging private investment, and updating educational programs and university curricula to ensure that they are up-to-date with ongoing developments in the field of telecommunications and information technology. These curricula and programs must meet the local market’s needs for specialized labor.
The telecommunications and information technology sector in Yemen is a vital component of the country’s infrastructure, and it plays an important role in economic growth. Starting in 2001 and accelerating from 2013 to 2014, the sector witnessed large-scale investments by the private sector as well as the government. Telecommunications towers and infrastructure were installed across much of the country, allowing access to telecommunications services in most Yemeni cities and villages, and there was rapid diffusion of mobile phones and internet services. Prior to 2001, cellular services were provided through the analogue network of a publicly-owned sole mobile operator, TeleYemen.
The sector is of great importance in terms of economic development, social development, and human capital, helping link people, communities, and businesses through the exchange of information in an increasingly connected global economy. It is also one of the most important sources of revenue for the state, especially in acquiring hard currency. Before the conflict, the sector was second only to the oil and gas sector in generating public financial revenues and foreign currency.[1] Mobile operators pay a once-off license fee to the government. During the war, some paid a fee for a temporary license extension until a new full license can be renegotiated. For instance, in 2016, MTN Yemen paid $36.4 million for a 29-month extension to their original 15-year license that was granted in July 2000, thereby extending their operating license to December 2017. In addition, the government collects annual regulatory fees. Generally speaking, governments collect regulatory fees from telecom operators to recover the regulatory costs associated with enforcement, policy and rulemaking, user information, and international activities. For example, MTN Yemen, which held a market share of 42.8% as of 2016 according to their estimates, presumably paid—according to the terms of their license agreement—what would have amounted to YER 1.7 billion annually for the duration of their 15-year license that became effective in July 2000.
Between 2015 and 2018, the telecommunications and information technology sector contributed around 7% to Yemen’s real gross domestic product (GDP).[2] The sector provides employment opportunities directly and indirectly through linkages with other parts of the economy that depend on it.
In addition to the economic and social value of the telecommunications sector, its political, security, and strategic importance cannot be overlooked, whether during wartime or transitional and reconstruction stages. For this reason, the sector has been weaponized by the warring parties. Telecommunications infrastructure has been directly targeted and destroyed by virtually all of the parties to the conflict, while political divisions have deepened institutional fragmentation in the sector, hindering efforts aimed at maintaining or improving its services.
Expanding the telecommunications and information technology sector, realizing its full contribution to economic and social development, and enhancing its competitiveness are areas that hold a lot of potential given Yemen’s relatively large population, high population growth rate, subscriber penetration rates that remain well below 50%, and modest level of services that are currently available. This paper provides a brief presentation and analysis of the mobile telecommunication and internet services that are currently provided, the challenges that the providers of these services face, and the impact of the conflict on the services. The paper then presents several recommendations to enhance and develop the country’s mobile telecommunication and internet services in the short, medium, and long term.
The Ministry of Telecommunications and Information Technology is the government entity mandated with enforcing the laws enacted by the state to regulate the various parts of the sector (i.e., landline telephones, mobile phones, internet, and post). It is also tasked with approving appropriate new bylaws, formulating policies and plans for the sector, managing the frequency spectrum for the mobile broadband services, granting licenses for the establishment and operation of private or public networks, maintaining the national numbering plan, and approving pricing policies for telecommunications services.
Telecommunications Law No. 38 of 1991 Pertaining to Wired and Wireless Telecommunications, as amended in Law No. 33 of 1996, is the sole legislation regulating the telecommunications sector.[3] However, it is not the legal reference point for mobile telecommunications and internet companies and their services in Yemen. Instead, these companies, which started operating several years after technology-specific laws were passed (internet service providers started in 1996 and mobile phone operators started in 2001), are regulated by the licensing agreements that were reached between the government and each network operator.[4] At issue is not so much whether these individual license agreements are standardized in terms of their terms, cost, and procurement procedures, but rather that having an outdated law in place and resorting to piecemeal regulation weakens the legal framework governing the sector and hinders private investment.
The Public Telecom Corporation of the Ministry of Telecommunications and Internet Technology is the only operator for landline services and one of the most important internet providers alongside the Yemen International Telecommunications Company (TeleYemen), which also provides international calling and mobile satellite services.
To help bear the high investment and operational costs of mobile phone companies, and to strengthen the role of the private sector in the economy, the government has incentivized private investment in the telecommunications sector by adopting a wide range of structural reforms. For instance, in 1997, Yemen’s government adopted a program for economic reforms in partnership with the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). This program sought to decrease the role of the state in economic life and increase the role of the private sector. As another example of some of the incentives offered by the government, some operators entered into an exclusivity agreement with the government for periods up to four years.[5] As a result, since 2001, the private sector has had an active role in the field of telecommunications. To date, the government has granted three operating licenses to three private companies to operate Global System for Mobile Communications (GSM) networks, namely, Sabafon, MTN Yemen Limited (MTN Yemen) (previously known as Spacetel Yemen), and HiTS Unitel, known by its trading name of Y Telecom. In addition, the government, represented by the Public Telecom Corporation, established a fourth company, Yemen Mobile, which operates a Code Division Multiple Access (CDMA) network.[6]
Table 1: Institutional structure of the telecommunications sector in Yemen
| # | Company | Ownership | Activity |
| 1 | Public Telecom Corporation | Government | Oversees landline telecommunication network, provides services throughout Yemen, including phone, internet and data transmission. |
| 2 | TeleYemen | Government | Provides international telecommunications services, analogue mobile phones, and internet. |
| 3 | Sabafon | Private Sector | Provides GSM services. |
| 4 | MTN Yemen | Private Sector | Provides GSM services. |
| 5 | Yemen Mobile | Government | Provides CDMA services. |
| 6 | Y Telecom | Private Sector | Provides GSM services. |
| Source: National Information Center, https://yemen-nic.info/sectors/information/ (accessed August 28, 2020). | |||
As noted, there are two wireless transmission technologies in Yemen used by local mobile telephone networks. Yemen Mobile, which is majority-owned by the state, provides its services through the CDMA system, while the rest of the carriers use GSM, which was launched for the first time in February 2001. The services provided by these companies are available throughout the Republic of Yemen, although coverage is patchy.
Table 2: Mobile phone services market in Yemen (2019)
| Company | Subscribers in Millions | Market Share | Technology | Ownership |
| Yemen Mobile | 7.5 | 40% | CDMA – CDMA2000 1x – CDMA2000 (2.5G) – 1xEV-DO (3G) | Public Telecom Corporation: 59.37%
Other government entities: 17.3% Private and individual owners: 23.5% |
| Sabafon | 5.2 | 28% | GSM (2G, 2.5G) | Al-Ahmar Group: 60%
Batelco (Bahrain): 26.9% Other investors, including the Iran Foreign Investment Company. |
| MTN Yemen | 5 | 27% | GSM (2G, 2.5G) | MTN Group in South Africa: 83% |
| Y | 0.9 | 5% | GSM (2G) | Formerly owned by Kuwaiti and Saudi investment companies and investors from the private sector in Yemen, the United Arab Emirates, and Syria, the company was purchased earlier in 2020 by al-Essi Group and other Yemeni businessmen close to President Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi following its bankruptcy declaration in the Commercial Court in Sana’a in March 2020. |
| Source: Public Telecom Corporation, 2019 Report, World Bank, Policy Memo, February 2017. | ||||
From 2015 to 2019, mobile phone services had mixed performance despite the fact that the general trend in this sector has shown positive growth. The overall number of mobile phone connections rose from 15.7 million in 2014 to 18.6 million lines at the end of 2019.[7] Furthermore, by the end of 2018, the unique mobile subscriber penetration rate in Yemen was estimated at 42–43%, compared to a Middle East and North Africa average of 64% and a global average of 66%.[8] The unique subscriber base in Yemen by the end of 2014 was estimated at 46%.[9]
It should be noted that TeleYemen provides mobile-satellite services through its mobile satellite communications service called Thuraya, which enables its customers to use Thuraya phones for voice calls, fax services, and internet connections even when other land-based internet and mobile phone services are not operating. In particular, Thuraya provides essential communication services to oil companies, maritime operations, and development activities in remote areas.
Internet services were introduced to Yemen in 1996 by a single provider, TeleYemen.[10] It owns the country’s International and Internet Gateways (i.e., access to international connectivity via terrestrial and submarine cables). Yemen’s internet is linked to the broader region and the rest of the world through four land and three sea cables. Due to the current conflict, Yemen relies on three working links: (1) The al-Wadiyah land port in Hadramawt governorate, which is a border crossing with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, (2) the al-Ghaydhah sea port in al-Mahra governorate, linked to an international submarine cable, the Fibre-optic Link Around the Globe (FLAG) Alcatel-Lucent Optical Network (FALCON) cable, which provides Yemen with the majority of its international links to the internet, and (3) the Aden Port, which is a sea port that is linked to two fiber optic cables, one of which is the Aden–Djibouti submarine cable that has been active since 1994 and was upgraded in 2014. The rest of Yemen’s internet links are not functioning either because of their destruction during the war, as in the cases of the Haradh and Alab land ports along Yemen’s north western border with Saudi Arabia, or because of damage from tropical cyclone Laban, as in the case of the Shihin land port along Yemen’s eastern border with Oman. The fragmentation of policies and institutions among the parties to the conflict has also led to the non-usage of internet links, as in the case of the Asia-Africa-Europe 1 (AAE-1) submarine cable in Aden, in which Yemen invested about $40 million. This link was launched for commercial services in mid-2017. Another example is the FLAG FALCON submarine cable in Hudaydah governorate, in which Yemen invested about $30 million. Once again, Yemen has been unable to use this service since 2017 because of the difficulties encountered in completing the connection through Yemen as a result of the ongoing war.[11]
TeleYemen provides a number of other internet-related services, like web hosting, data transmission, domain name services, and IP address services. Over the past few years, there has been noticeable growth in the number of internet users in Yemen, reaching 7.2 million at the end of 2019, compared to 3.2 million users in 2014. The number of broadband internet (ADSL) subscribers reached 355,058 in 2019 according to the Ministry of Telecommunications and Information Technology (Sana’a), up from an estimated 340,000 in 2014 as estimated by a non-official source.[12] However, when the ministry’s 2019 figure is cross-referenced with available official estimates for the preceding years, we see that the number of subscribers has significantly dropped from 427,699 in 2017 and 385,251 in 2016.[13]
Table 3: Highlights of the makeup of Yemen’s telecommunications market by segment
| 2014 | 2019 | Change | |
| Population[14] | 25,956,000 | 29,665,000 | 14% (+) |
| Unique mobile subscriber penetration rate[15] | 46% | ~42–43% | 4–3 % points (−) |
| Mobile phone connections[16] | 15,708,035 | 18,597,333 | 18% (+) |
| Internet users[17] | 3,236,679 | 7,190,000 | 122% (+) |
| Operated landlines[18] | 1,123,318 | 1,189,397 | 6% (+) |
| Broadband internet subscribers[19] | 340,000 | 355,058 | 4% (+) |
| Sources: CSO, MTIT (Sana’a), GSMA, and ITU. | |||
The prices of these services are one of the main factors in their spread or lack thereof throughout society, taking into account per capita income and educational levels. In this regard, recent studies show that the price of mobile phone services in Yemen is lower than the average price in the Arab world, with Yemen having the 7th lowest price point out of 22 countries in 2017, an improvement of its rank by three positions compared to 2015 and 2016. The price of a bundle of 300 calls was around $56.90 (considering purchasing power parity and value-added tax), compared to an average of around $69.40 in the Arab world.[20]
However, when it comes to mobile data, Yemen is one of the most expensive countries in the world, and the most expensive country in the Arab world, according to Cable.[21] This study compared mobile data prices around the world in 2020, with Yemen ranking last among Arab countries with a single gigabyte costing around $15.98. Somalia provided mobile data for the lowest cost among the Arab states, at an average price of around $0.50 per gigabyte.
Figure (1): The cost of 1GB of mobile data in the Arab world ($/GB
Source: Cable.co.uk, 2020.
According to an estimate by the Ministry of Telecommunications and Information Technology in Sana’a, which is under the control of Ansar Allah authorities, the total wartime losses of the telecommunications sector as of March 2020 are estimated at $4.1 billion due to the damage or destruction of infrastructure, including facilities, telecommunications towers and stations, telephone centrals; confiscation of equipment arriving at Yemen’s ports; and the inability to utilize some of the international internet cables due to the ongoing conflict as earlier noted.[22] Other sources estimate that around 200 out of Yemen Mobile’s 850 transmission stations were not operating as of March 2019 due to the conflict.[23]
In this regard, the third phase of the World Bank’s Dynamic Damage and Needs Assessment (DNA) estimates that 25% of the telecommunication sector’s assets were either damaged or destroyed since the onset of the war. These estimates are based on satellite imagery, and thus they likely do not capture the full scale of the inflicted damages, particularly because some ICT towers or other facilities such as hangars for telecommunications equipment may not have been visible during the survey. For example, some of the on-ground assessments conducted in the city of Ta’iz suggest that the actual damages largely exceed what was estimated via the satellite survey. Furthermore, the survey does not take into account the ongoing maintenance and re-construction carried out by the different network operators when they have the opportunity to access affected areas. Finally, it is noteworthy that Hudaydah and Sa’ada were the hardest hit governorates in terms of mobile network asset losses, where it is estimated that 75% of the assets in those two areas have been damaged or lost.[24]
Figure (2): Physical damages to the telecommunications sector in Yemen by asset type[25]

Source: World Bank, DNA – Phase 3, 2020.
In addition to the above-mentioned losses, telecommunications companies, especially mobile service providers in the private sector, have experienced losses due to fuel shortages. Companies need fuel to power the generators that provide electricity to their offices, servers, and transmission stations in various parts of the country. Cyclones that have affected some southern governorates have also damaged telecommunications towers and network infrastructure in those areas. All of these factors have reportedly led to a reduction of coverage by around 40%.[26]
Companies have also suffered large financial losses due to institutional and policy divisions and financial demands by the authorities in Sana’a and Aden, as well as the confiscation of assets and extortion by some security agencies and militias. One company, Y Telecom, had to declare bankruptcy in March 2020, leaving behind its equipment and offices in Sana’a and arranging to restart its operations in Aden using 4G technology.
From January to March 2020, there was a wide scale internet outage in Yemen due to damage to the FALCON cable near the Suez Canal. The internet outage disrupted commercial business activity, internal and external financial transfers, as well as other official and private communications throughout Yemen.
Another result of the war has been the loss of opportunities to develop and modernize Yemen’s telecommunications technologies. Many of the licensing agreements with companies operating in the sector were nearing expiry just before the war started in 2015. Renegotiated licenses would have enabled these companies to provide next-generation mobile internet services.[27] Only the state-owned mobile phone company Yemen Mobile has been granted permission to provide mobile internet services using 3G technology.[28] The rest of the mobile telecommunications operators have only been granted licenses by the Ministry of Telecommunications and Information Technology to provide 2G or 2.5G mobile internet services, which have a limited capacity.[29] Restrictions preventing these companies from developing their technology and services result in indirect losses to the companies, the telecommunications sector in general, and consumers.[30] Another source of indirect losses is the fragile, complicated, and high-risk investment environment, which has discouraged investors from entering the Yemeni market, despite its large size and the plethora of services that are not being provided by companies currently operating in the sector.
The continuing conflict risks deepening the institutional divides in the various vital economic sectors, including telecommunications. For example, the internationally recognized government has opened a new portal for the provision of internet services called Aden Net, using 4G technology.[31] Both Sabafon and Y Telecom have been preparing to shift to 4G through this new portal.[32]
Figure (3): Aden Net coverage[33]

Despite the conflict’s destruction and the challenges, it has created for the operating environment, the new political, economic, and social reality it has imposed has also created new opportunities in the telecommunications and information technology sector. For example, there has been an increase in demand for internet services, especially due to the electricity outages whereby many consumers have become reliant on access to the internet to follow news and developments affecting their daily lives. The increased demand for these services has led to:
This policy brief was prepared for the Rethinking Yemen’s Economy project by DeepRoot Consulting, in coordination with project partners Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies and CARPO – Center for Applied Research in Partnership with the Orient
Endnots
[1] (i) Naoko Kojo and Amir Althibah, Yemen Monthly Economic Update, January 2020 issue, World Bank Group, January 2020, p. 6: “the [telecom sector] was second to the oil and gas sector in terms of bringing in foreign currency and as a source of fiscal revenues,” http://pubdocs.worldbank.org/en/901061582293682832/Yemen-Economic-Update-January-EN.pdf (accessed August 28, 2020). (ii) Naomi J. Halewood and Xavier Stephane Decoster, “Input to The Yemen Policy Note no. 4. on Inclusive Services Delivery: Yemen Information & Communication Technology (ICT),” Washington, D.C.: World Bank Group, February 13, 2017, p. 4: “Prior to 2015, government revenue from the telecommunications industry was said to be second largest after hydrocarbons. Moreover, telecommunications services brought in hard currencies into the economy, previously reported in the order of about USD300 million, annually,” http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/337651508409897554/Yemen-information-and-communication-technology-ICT (accessed August 28, 2020).
[2] Central Statistical Organisation (CSO), “Statistical Year Book for 2017 – Chapter 25: National Accounts,” Table 10 (“The Structure of GDP at Producers Prices by Economic Activity at Constant Prices for 2004–2017 (%) 2000=100”) in Excel sheet labelled “10,” http://www.cso-yemen.com/publiction/yearbook2017/National_Account.xls (accessed August 28, 2020). According to the cited table, the ICT sector’s share (including both the public and private sectors) of national real GDP in 2015, 2016, and 2017 is 6.69%, 6.96%, and 6.88% respectively.
[3] Law No. 38 of 1991 Pertaining to Wired and Wireless Telecommunications as Amended in Law No. 33 of 1996, https://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/acc_e/yem_e/WTACCYEM4A1_LEG_16.pdf (accessed October 13, 2020).
[4] Ibid. See Paragraph K of Article 3 for reference to licensing agreements.
[5] MTN, “MTN Investors Group Note 35: License Agreements,” MTN Yemen license agreement: “The licence agreement is effective from July 2000 and is applicable for 15 years, renewable thereafter. There is a four year exclusivity clause after which licence parity will apply,” http://www.mtn-investor.com/mtn_ar08/book2/fin_gr_notes35.html (accessed November 17, 2020).
[6] GSM is a 1990s standard developed to describe the protocols for second-generation (2G) digital cellular networks used by mobile devices such as mobile phones and tablets. By the mid-2010s, it became a global standard for mobile communications, achieving over 90% market share, making GSM the most ubiquitous of the many standards for cellular networks, including the CDMA standard of the same era. For more technical details about the different generations of cellular standards, see: Kgs Venkatesan, “Comparison of CDMA and GSM mobile technology,” Middle East Journal of Scientific Research 13(12):1590-1594, January 2013, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/273452419_Comparison_of_CDMA_and_GSM_mobile_technology (accessed October 16, 2020).
[7] (i) For the 2014 figure, see: Central Statistical Organisation (CSO), “Statistical Year Book for 2016 – Chapter 13: Communications & Information Technology,” Summary table (“Main Statistical Indicators of Communications and Information Technology”) in Excel sheet labelled “Indicators [AR],” http://www.cso-yemen.com/publiction/yearbook2016/Communication_Information_Technology.xls (accessed August 28, 2020). (Original source: Annual Statistical Bulletin of Public Corporation for Wired and Wireless Telecommunications of 2016.) (ii) For the 2019 figure, see: Ministry of Telecommunications and Information Technology (MTIT) (Sana’a), an infographic on the homepage entitled “Telecommunication and Information Technology Infrastructure Indicators 2019 [AR],” http://www.yemen.gov.ye/portal/portals/4/upload/%D8%A7%D9%86%D9%81%D9%88%D8%AC%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%81%D9%8A%D9%83/1.jpg (accessed August 28, 2020).
[8] GSM Association (GSMA), “The Mobile Economy: Middle East & North Africa 2019,” 2019, pp. 2: “For context, the global average at the end of the same period was 66%,” 4, and 9 (Figure 2: The GCC Arab States lead the region in terms of subscriber penetration (Q2 2019)), https://www.gsma.com/mobileeconomy/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/GSMA_MobileEconomy2020_MENA_Eng.pdf (accessed August 28, 2020). Note that unique subscriptions differ from mobile connections—a single subscriber can have multiple connections (i.e., active mobile phone numbers/SIM cards). However, the details of GSMA’s methodology for calculating unique penetration rates are unknown.
[9] GSM Association (GSMA), “The Mobile Economy: Arab States 2015,” 2015, p. 8 (Figure captioned “Arab States penetration by country (Q2 2015)”), https://data.gsmaintelligence.com/research/research/research-2015/the-mobile-economy-arab-states-2015 or https://data.gsmaintelligence.com/api-web/v2/research-file-download?id=18809327&file=the-mobile-economy-arab-states-2015-1482139932360.pdf (accessed August 28, 2020).
[10] TeleYemen has been the sole licensed provider of the international telecommunication services in Yemen since 1972. It was established as a subsidiary company of the British company “Cable & Wireless plc” C&W, until 1990 when the Yemen Public Telecom Corporation (PTC) became a partner with C&W with a 49% of the total shares and then the company’s name changed to TeleYemen. In 2004, TeleYemen became a 100% state-owned entity with 75% of shares owned by PTC and 25% owned by the Yemen Post & Postal Savings Corporation.
[11] “An Economic Expert Interviews the Minister of Telecommunications on the Future of Telecom Companies’ Business Activity and Whether or Not They Are Being Targeted [AR],” Aden Time, February 17, 2020, http://aden-tm.net/NDetails.aspx?contid=117958 (accessed August 28, 2020).
[12] See Table 3 for detailed citations of all these 2014 and 2019 figures and others.
[13] Central Statistical Organisation (CSO), “Statistical Year Book for 2017 – Chapter 13: Communications & Information Technology,” Summary table (“Main Statistical Indicators of Communications and Information Technology”) in Excel sheet labelled “Indicators [AR],” http://www.cso-yemen.com/publiction/yearbook2017/Communication_Information_Technology.xls (accessed August 28, 2020). (Original source: Annual Statistical Bulletin of Public Corporation for Wired and Wireless Telecommunications of 2016.)
[14] Central Statistical Organization (CSO), “Projections for 2005-2025,” June 2010.
[15] (i) For 2014 data, see: GSMA, “The Mobile Economy: Arab States 2015,” op. cit. (ii) For 2019 data, see: GSMA, “The Mobile Economy: Middle East & North Africa 2019,” op. cit. Recall that unique subscriptions differ from mobile connections
[16] (i) For 2014 data, see: CSO, “Statistical Year Book for 2016 – Chapter 13: Communications & Information Technology,” op. cit. (ii) For 2019 data, see: MTIT (Sana’a), “Telecommunication and Information Technology Infrastructure Indicators 2019 [AR],” op. cit.
[17] Ibid.
[18] Ibid.
[19] (i) For 2014 data, see: International Telecommunication Union (ITU), ICT-Eye (online database), https://www.itu.int/net4/ITU-D/icteye/#/query (accessed August 28, 2020). Official data not available for this year because until 2014, available official statistics by TeleYemen and the Public Telecom Corporation used to combine ADSL and dial-up internet subscriptions (See: CSO, “Statistical Year Book for 2016 – Chapter 13: Communications & Information Technology,” op. cit.). (ii) For 2019 data, see: MTIT (Sana’a), “Telecommunication and Information Technology Infrastructure Indicators 2019 [AR],” op. cit.
[20] Nasser Al-Fadhel, “Comparative Study of Communication Prices in Arab Countries,” 16th Annual Arab Regulators Network (AREGNET) Meeting, Manama, October 2018.
[21] Cable.co.uk, “Worldwide mobile data pricing: The cost of 1GB of mobile data in 228 countries,” https://www.cable.co.uk/mobiles/worldwide-data-pricing/#regions (accessed August 29, 2020). According to the source, data from 5,554 mobile data plans in 228 countries were gathered and analyzed between February 3–25, 2020. The average cost of one gigabyte (1GB) was then calculated and compared to form a worldwide mobile data pricing league table.
[22] Ministry of Telecommunications and Information Technology (MTIT) (Sana’a), an infographic on the infographics web page, http://www.yemen.gov.ye/portal/Portals/4/upload/%D8%A7%D9%86%D9%81%D9%88%D8%AC%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%81%D9%8A%D9%83/%D8%AC%D8%B1%D8%A7%D8%A6%D9%85%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%AF%D9%88%D8%A7%D9%86.jpg (accessed August 28, 2020).
[23] “Between Houthi Extortion and Government Failure.. Yemen Telecommunications Fight to Survive [AR],” al-Khaleej Online, March 22, 2019, http://khaleej.online/64z4Ba (accessed August 28, 2020).
[24] World Bank, Dynamic Damage and Needs Assessment (DNA) – Phase 3, 2020, pp. 91–100.
[25] BTS shelters are small shelters at the base of towers that house a device called the base transceiver station (BTS), a piece of equipment that facilitates wireless communication between user equipment and a network.
[26] Al-Khaleej Online, op. cit.
[27] The licenses granted to the two largest operators in the private sector (MTN Yemen and Sabafon) expired in 2015, and there have been negotiations since that time to extend them temporarily until new licenses can be negotiated. For instance, MTN’s most recent financial reports indicate that MTN Yemen was granted a new short-term extension on January 1, 2020, for 900MHz and 1800MHz licenses for two years (see: MTN Group Limited, “Annual financial statements for the year ended 31 December 2019,” March 11, 2020, p. 72, https://www.mtn.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/MTN-Annual-financial-statements.pdf (accessed December 2, 2020)).
[28] As noted, the Ministry of Telecommunications and Information Technology is responsible of issuing licenses. In 2004, Yemen Mobile took over TeleYemen cellular network and replaced its analogue services with CDMA services and was granted a 3G license by the ministry.
[29] As noted, licenses are granted to mobile operators by the Ministry of Telecommunications and Information Technology (MTIT). Before 2015, there were negotiations between the ministry and mobile operators like MTN Yemen and Sabafon for the renewal of their licenses and migration of their networks to 4G. At that time, the operators’ point of view was that they were already licensed to operate and they should only have to pay fees for the new 4G services, whereas the ministry’s point of view was that 4G was an entirely new offering that requires a different kind of equipment and infrastructure. Thus, according to the ministry, a new license is needed, not just new fees. At any rate, all discussions regarding migration to 4G came to a halt post-2015 due to the wartime blockade that has prevented any new telecom equipment from entering the country.
[30] Halewood and Decoster, op. cit., p. 2: “Only the state-owned mobile operator, Yemen Mobile was provided permission to provide 3G services. The others only had licenses to offer 2G or 2.5G services, with 2.5G allowing for very limited data capacity.”
[31] The performance of Aden Net is still lagging behind, and its coverage is limited to some districts in the governorate of Aden only. Furthermore, it conducts its business in a monopolistic manner. For instance, Aden Net is the only seller of Aden Net internet modems. Furthermore, because of its limited financial resources, it is unable to supply them in sufficient quantities. This has resulted in very high internet prices that are beyond reach for most people, in addition to creating a new black market for selling these modems.
[32] In September 2020, Sabafon announced launching its operations from Aden to offer its services to areas under the internationally recognized government’s control via a network that is technically and administratively independent from Sana’a.
[33] Aden Net, “Coverage Map [AR],” https://www.adennet4g.net/index.php/ar/2018-07-17-07-54-46 (accessed October 16, 2020).
[34] The local networks are established in neighborhoods, cities, towns, and rural areas. They are wi-fi networks whose operators subscribe to the Super Net service from Yemen Net, the dominant Internet Service Provider, and then provide internet services through prepaid cards.
[35] Casey Coombs, “In Yemen, the internet is a key front in the conflict,” Coda, March 10, 2020, “Houthi government in Sanaa announced that it would no longer issue business permits to the community networks”, https://www.codastory.com/authoritarian-tech/yemen-internet-conflict/ (accessed August 28, 2020).
[36] Sharaf al-Kibsi and Mustafa Hantoush, “WhatsApp in War-Torn Yemen Opens Opportunities to Improve Resilience, Livelihood, and Prosperity Through Microfinance Communication Innovation,” National Microfinance Foundation, March 2018, https://www.findevgateway.org/sites/default/files/publications/files/whatsapp_in_yemen_microfinance_v2_0.pdf (accessed August 28, 2020).
[37] Small & Micro Enterprise Promotion Service (SMEPS), “Yemen Rapid Business Survey 2019” (unpublished).
[38] As already noted, until 2014, available official statistics by TeleYemen and the Public Telecom Corporation used to combine ADSL and dial-up internet subscriptions—not users, because statistics differentiate between internet users in Yemen and subscribers to the different internet services available in the country, namely, ADSL and dial-up—putting the combined total for 2014 at 998,856 (See: CSO, “Statistical Year Book for 2016 – Chapter 13: Communications & Information Technology,” op. cit.). However, by subtracting the ADSL-only subscriptions estimated in Table 3 at 340,000 in 2014 from this total figure of 998,856, we estimate that the total dial-up subscriptions in 2014 would have amounted to 658,856 subscribers.
[39] Abdulqadir Othman, “Internet in Yemen: The Nightmare of War and the Curse of Monopoly [AR],” The New Arab, December 15, 2019, https://www.alaraby.co.uk/medianews/d7a9b457-9681-47b4-abcc-249fca044438 (accessed August 28, 2020).
[40] Halewood and Decoster, op. cit., p. 3: “In December 2015, there were an estimated 16.88 million mobile customers in Yemen, down 4.2% from 17.62 million a year earlier and a recent peak of 18.36 million at the beginning of 2015 […] the impact of conflict on mobile penetration rates is almost immediate.”
[41] MTN Group Limited, “Results overview for the year ended 31 December 2019,” March 11, 2020, p. 28: “MTN Yemen also contributed positively to the MENA portfolio, growing service revenue by 14,2%* on the back of a 28,8%* increase in data revenue against a challenging macroeconomic backdrop and political instability,” https://www.mtn.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/MTN-Group-2019-annual-results.pdf (accessed December 2, 2020).
[42] The Emirati Al-Bayan newspaper wrote on October 8, 2019, that in 2018 the Ansarullah authorities confiscated YER 51 billion from Yemeni telecom operators distributed as follows: YER 27 billion from Sabafon, YER 17 billion from Y, YER 7 billion from MTN Yemen. See: https://www.albayan.ae/one-world/arabs/2019-10-08-1.3668294 (accessed October 14, 2020).
[43] See also: https://pathwayscommission.bsg.ox.ac.uk/digital-roadmap.
Executive Summary
This paper examines governance as the decisive factor shaping the success or failure of government reforms and current government plans in Yemen. It starts from a central premise: Yemen’s reform crisis is not primarily a crisis of planning or vision, but a crisis of structural weakness in the governance system that should regulate policy design, implementation, monitoring, and accountability. Yemeni experience, before and during the war, shows that reforms without a clear governance framework become formal decisions that are selectively implemented, stripped of substance, or unable to deliver sustainable impact.
The paper demonstrates that the implementation gap represents the central challenge facing government reforms—a gap resulting from overlapping mandates, multiple decision-making centers, weak institutional coordination, absence of effective accountability, lack of transparency and data, as well as the chronic disconnect between financial and institutional reforms. It also shows that corruption in the Yemeni context is no longer an isolated administrative phenomenon but has become part of deeper dysfunctions in the state’s political economy, making its treatment possible only through comprehensive governance reforms, not through discrete oversight tools.
Through analysis of a case study involving clearly formulated reforms that later stalled in implementation, the paper concludes that political decisions alone are not enough to ensure execution in the absence of an integrated governance system. Weak effective executive authority, the absence of a clear accountability chain, undeclared institutional resistance, and poor alignment between reforms and institutional capacities all contribute to disruption and operational paralysis.
Based on this diagnosis, the paper proposes a practical governance framework for reforms in Yemen. The framework treats reform as a continuous political-institutional process rather than an isolated technical or financial intervention. It is built on the need for a unified national reference for reform governance, clear mechanisms for assigning roles across institutions, a workable balance between centralization and local governance, and the integration of transparency and information systems at the core of the reform cycle. It also adopts a gradual approach that builds trust and reduces implementation resistance.
In light of this framework, the paper presents a package of practical recommendations to strengthen the governance of government reforms. These include adopting a unified national framework for institutional performance governance, strengthening financial governance through budget discipline and expenditure control, establishing a unified digital data system, and activating central and local accountability mechanisms based on clear performance standards, while also allowing regulated exceptional tools for economic crisis management. The paper emphasizes that these recommendations can succeed only through clear role distribution among the central government, local authorities, the private sector, civil society, and international partners, within a single national framework that leads the reform process without replacing state institutions.
The paper concludes that governance is not a procedural issue or an external condition, but rather the most realistic entry point for reconsidering government plans and transforming them into effective tools for economic recovery and institutional stability. Without systematically addressing governance gaps, government reforms will remain vulnerable to stumbling regardless of their technical quality or the support allocated to them. Building a clear and implementable governance system represents a genuine opportunity to rebuild trust between the state and society, improve resource utilization efficiency, and put Yemen on a more sustainable reform path.
Why this paper now?
The Yemeni government today does not primarily suffer from a lack of plans or weak vision; it suffers from a chronic inability to convert approved decisions and plans into tangible results. Experience shows that this pattern undermines the credibility of political decision-making and reduces reforms to low-cost rhetorical commitments for actors who do not intend to comply.
What does this paper show?
This paper proceeds from a clear premise: the reform crisis in Yemen is a governance implementation crisis, not a policy crisis. Government reforms, regardless of their technical quality or political level, will not be automatically implemented in the absence of a governance framework linking decision, implementing entity, resources, follow-up, and accountability.
What does political decision-making require now?
Addressing this gap does not require launching new plans. It requires specific decisions that reorganize how reforms themselves are managed, strengthen the implementation and accountability chain, and protect political decisions from undeclared institutional disruption.
Risks of inaction
Continuing the current situation means the persistence of implementation gaps, erosion of domestic and international confidence, and transformation of reforms into accumulated political and administrative burdens. This paper presents a practical framework for reform governance without creating parallel structures or suspending accountability rules, preserving the role of state institutions and enhancing their implementation capacity.
Executive Summary
The Republic of Yemen today faces one of the most complex investment environments in the region. This reality is the result of structural weaknesses that predated the war and were then intensified by political and institutional fragmentation, security deterioration, and economic collapse. Even so, international experience in fragile and conflict-affected states suggests that Yemen can combine high levels of risk with promising investment opportunities in sectors that can operate before full peace is achieved – provided that reforms are clear, political will exists domestically, and regional support is active.
Over the past decade, the war has produced financial and monetary fragmentation, multiple decisionmaking centers, and divergent laws and procedures. This has created two distinct economic environments: one in government-controlled (liberated) areas and another in Houthi-controlled areas. The result has been a sharp decline in confidence, weaker institutions, severe deterioration in purchasing power, and a continuing fall in the Riyal’s value, alongside rising operating, transport, and insurance costs. At the same time, many of these constraints predate the war: even before the conflict, Yemen was a difficult investment environment due to corruption, complex procedures, a weak judiciary, widespread illegal levies, and capture of state resources by influential power centers.
Despite this bleak picture, the regional and international context offers encouraging indicators that investment space can still be created, especially in government-controlled (liberated) governorates. Compared with Houthi-controlled areas, these governorates offer internationally recognized legal authority, open ports, limited but workable banking channels through official institutions, and stronger prospects for investor protection through international arbitration.
International experience in Iraq, Lebanon, Rwanda, and other conflict-affected countries shows that investment can begin gradually in sectors least affected by war, and that success in fragile environments depends on four pillars: understanding risks while limiting exposure, strong risk management, clear government reforms, and organized regional and international support. With current Gulf investment shifts toward Iraq, Lebanon, and Syria, Yemen – given its geostrategic location along major trade routes, its young population, and its strategic relevance to Gulf security – is a logical candidate to attract part of these investment flows.
There are also conflict-compatible sectors that can be entered today, such as:
These sectors operate by their nature in unstable environments and do not require comprehensive national stability, and can be a starting point.
The paper emphasizes that investment in Yemen, at this stage, cannot be treated as an unrestricted open
field. It must be governed by clear requirements, including a government commitment to supporting
investment, legislative reform, procedure digitization, elimination of illegal levies, access to international
arbitration, specialized government units for investor services, and the launch of a unified investment
window in Aden. It also requires regional guarantees and practical enablers through direct partnerships
with Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and other Gulf countries.
Foreign investment also requires active participation by the Yemeni private sector through alliances,
stronger governance standards, audited financial statements, and partnerships with Gulf investors through joint ventures (JVs) rather than stand-alone efforts. It also calls for a new donor role that goes beyond relief to support joint investment, improve the business environment, and provide financing guarantees and blended-finance tools.
Geographically, while the analysis covers Yemen as a whole, the practical application of opportunities
focuses on government-controlled (liberated) governorates. This reflects the current impracticality of
operating in the Houthi-controlled environment, which is marked by sanctions, extortion, capital flight,
institutional destruction, tight control over companies, and the absence of minimum legal and institutional guarantees for local and foreign investors.
The paper concludes that Yemen, despite its fragility, possesses rare strength elements in the region,
including:
The paper presents practical recommendations for the Yemeni government, the Yemeni and Gulf private
sectors, and donors aimed at transforming Yemen’s investment environment from a deterrent environment into an enabling one through short- and medium-term reforms, strategic partnerships, and a limited number of high-impact model projects that can build confidence and unlock larger investment flows later.
Based on this analysis, foreign investment in Yemen is difficult but not impossible. In the right regional
context and with clear government reforms, it can become a major driver of economic stability, a lever for reconstruction, and a tool for integrating Yemen into the Gulf and wider regional economy. The most logical starting point is in government-controlled (liberated) governorates and in sectors compatible with the current conflict context, before moving to larger projects in a later political settlement phase.
The war has fundamentally altered Yemen’s trade finance system, transforming it from a reliable, unified, bank-led mechanism into several divergent, conflicting structures that have made import financing cumbersome, costly, and unstable. The conflict has led to the suspension of oil and gas exports — the country’s primary source of revenue and foreign currency — and resulted in the division of key economic institutions across regional zones of control. Specifically, the fragmentation of the Central Bank of Yemen (CBY) into rival branches (Sana’a and Aden) and the subsequent prevalence of dual currency and monetary systems has created a complex trade financing landscape. The two branches have engaged in a power struggle, issuing conflicting monetary and financial policies that weaponize all aspects of import regulation and financing.
The collapse of the formal banking system, combined with liquidity shortages, has eroded confidence in banks’ financial services and entrenched the rise of less-regulated financial transfer networks, which dominate the monetary cycle and trade facilitation. The fragmented regulatory environment has heightened the country’s vulnerability to global de-risking measures and exposed it to severe risks related to Anti-Money Laundering/Countering the Financing of Terrorism (AML/CFT) requirements. Yemeni banks have struggled to access foreign correspondent banks, which has inflated import costs and exacerbated food insecurity in a country that imports up to 90 percent of its basic staples from abroad.
The US designation of the Houthis as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) and subsequent sanctions catalyzed a significant shift away from Yemen’s historically centralized financial system. The sanctions forced banks to relocate to government-controlled areas, eliminating the Houthis’ dominance over their primary operations. Today, these relocated banks are facing operational challenges due to the historic centrality of the financial system, the commercial market, and customer base in Houthi-controlled areas.
After the failure of several import financing mechanisms, the internationally recognized government, along with the Central Bank of Yemen in Aden (CBY-Aden), has recently begun implementing much-anticipated economic reforms that have stabilized the Yemeni rial. These reforms helped institutionalize a new mechanism for trade finance, culminating in the establishment of the National Committee for Regulating and Financing Imports.
To effectively operate on the ground, the Import Committee and CBY-Aden need to be fully empowered to curb currency destabilization and secure hard currency inflows, and to use those funds to finance basic commodity imports. The government should create a conducive business environment for banks to provide financial services and facilitate trade nationwide. Additionally, it should shift from short-term collective measures to long-term economic reforms. These should include working to access sustainable sources of hard currency to finance trade. Sustained financial support from Saudi Arabia and other donors is critical to replenishing the CBY-Aden’s foreign reserves and preserving the value of the rial.
Close coordination with international financial institutions and US decisionmaking bodies (such as the Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control) is essential to enhance Yemeni banks’ capacity to comply with AML/CFT standards. Houthi authorities must suspend punitive measures against banks and traders and refrain from any future actions that could further deepen the monetary division and complicate trade financing.
In parallel, the UN and broader international community should exert immediate pressure on the warring parties to halt their weaponization of trade financing and respect the neutrality of the banking sector. They should help establish sanctions safeguards to protect humanitarian and remittance flows. As circumstances improve, the international community should support the creation of a nationwide trade financing scheme that is technically effective and insulated from political conflict.
Yemen’s e-commerce sector holds significant potential to drive economic growth and financial inclusion, particularly for women and rural communities, but faces major challenges, including poor internet connectivity, limited digital payment systems, and the absence of legal and regulatory frameworks. The country remains heavily cash-based, with minimal access to formal banking and fragmented oversight, exposing consumers and providers to fraud and limiting sector development. Internet infrastructure is among the worst globally, with only 17.7 percent of the population online in 2024, though the recent introduction of Starlink offers hope for improved connectivity. Conflict-related damage to transportation networks further hinders delivery services. Despite these obstacles, some businesses have found success, especially in urban areas, by adapting to logistical constraints. Yemen’s youthful, increasingly smartphone-connected population, along with emerging technologies and business models, offers promising opportunities for inclusive e-commerce growth—provided that policymakers invest in digital infrastructure, enact protective regulations, and create a supportive environment for online enterprise.
Historically, Yemen’s industrial sector has been characterized by small-scale, private initiatives, with 78% of establishments employing fewer than four workers and dominated by food, metal, and textile industries. Yemeni industry’s reliance on imported inputs and weak infrastructure left it vulnerable even before the 2015 escalation of war. Post-conflict damage has been extensive, with losses exceeding $35 billion, industrial output collapsing, and over half the workforce displaced. Legal frameworks exist but lack consistent enforcement. Gender disparities remain stark, with women accounting for just 1–6% of industrial employment. Environmental degradation further complicates recovery, driven by outdated laws and limited compliance capacity.
Despite this, some local industries have demonstrated resilience, particularly in informal light manufacturing. Drawing from regional and international models of industrialization, this RYE Policy Brief identifies viable paths for industrial renewal anchored in local resources, community participation, and adaptive governance.
Develop a national industrial strategy in partnership with the private sector, including identification of key sectors, support measures, and coordination mechanisms.
Simplify business registration, update laws, and establish industrial arbitration councils.
Expand training, develop women-friendly zones, and launch targeted financing for female entrepreneurs.
Fund industrial research labs and foster private-sector innovation partnerships.
Rehabilitate industrial zones with solar energy, logistics hubs, and streamlined port access.
Create an Industrial Finance Fund and expand concessional credit for SMEs.
Enforce pollution controls, incentivize clean tech adoption, and integrate safeguards into industrial planning.
Yemen is vulnerable to climate change and affected by ongoing conflict, facing worsening environmental crises such as water scarcity, degradation of arable land, and an increasing frequency of extreme weather events. The country’s capacity to address the impact of climate change is severely hampered by limited access to international climate finance. Obstacles include the absence of clear criteria for fund distribution, bureaucratic complexities that exceed local institutional capacity, an emphasis on mitigation over adaptation measures, and a preference for providing loans over grants. Fragmented governance and a decade-long climate data gap further undermine the country’s eligibility for funding. Yemen lacks accredited national institutions capable of directly accessing climate funds, which forces it to rely on international non-governmental organizations (INGOs). This reliance introduces additional layers of bureaucracy and high transaction costs.
This policy brief, based on a desk review and a two-day workshop held in Amman, Jordan, in November 2024, examines Yemen’s climate finance barriers and explores opportunities for improving its access to climate finance. The paper highlights funding allocation disparities, in which climate-vulnerable and fragile states receive disproportionately low shares of climate finance. For instance, Yemen received a mere US$0.60 per capita in adaptation finance between 2015 and 2021, compared to over US$100 per capita in stable countries during the same period.
The paper draws lessons from other countries, including Rwanda, Somalia, and Bangladesh, which improved access by utilizing national climate funds, engaging in diplomatic advocacy, and implementing community-based data initiatives. Recommendations emphasize urgent actions for Yemen’s government, including establishing a multi-stakeholder climate task force and climate fund, finalizing Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), and enhancing regional cooperation. For international actors, reforms such as simplifying accreditation processes, prioritizing grants, and supporting climate diplomacy are critical.